Friday, January 31, 2014

The 2014 UP ASEAN Lecture Series

The 2014 UP ASEAN Lecture Series:
Ethnic Conflict and Myanmar's Problematic Democratization
17-20 February 2014
University of the Philippines-Diliman

It was in June and October 2012 when news of sectarian violence broke out from Myanmar, in Rakhine State. The violent chaos left behind at least 200 people dead, hundreds wounded, thousands displaced, and houses and business establishments destroyed. Violence broke afresh in Meiktila and Lashio early 2013, provoking concern that the Myanmar government has not been responding to the sectarian violence adequately and that underlying, irreconcilable differences between Buddhists and Muslims will undermine recent democratic reforms. 

The riots took the international community by surprise; after all, Myanmar until then seemed to be on a relentless march towards democratization. Beginning with the release of famed pro-democracy activist Aung San Suu Kyi in 2010, reforms have been steadily introduced in the country: political prisoners were released in October 2011 and January 2012; the opposition party National League for Democracy was allowed to participate in the 2012 by-elections as a legally recognized political party; new laws allowing the existence of labor unions were introduced; 2,082 names from a blacklist of banned entrances into the country were struck out; a twenty-five-year-old ban on public gatherings was abolished; and private ownership of print media was allowed. The international community proved receptive of Myanmar’s efforts by responding with equal gusto. Myanmar was elected to chair the Association of Southeast Asian Nations in 2014. The Asian Development Bank allowed Myanmar to take out a loan from them in January 2013 for the first time in thirty years. United States President Barack Obama, in a prominent show of support for Myanmar President Thein Sein’s reforms, visited the country in late 2012, the first visit by a sitting US president to a country that until then was considered a pariah state. The European Union also lifted the last of its remaining trade and economic sanctions in April 2013. 

Yet Myanmar’s democratization is by no means untroubled. The sectarian violence between Buddhists and Muslims is one of such opportunities for backsliding. To a certain extent, this phenomenon hints at the bigger issue of negotiating differences in a country composed of diverse groups and identities and at a time when spaces for contention with the previously omnipotent state are being opened. Myanmar is one of the most ethnically diverse countries in Southeast Asia—the government recognizes at least 135 distinct ethnic groups under the eight major “national races” of Kachin, Kayah, Kayin, Chin, Mon, Bamar, Rakhine, and Shan. Of these groups, the Bamar of Myanmar’s central plains constitute the majority at 68%. Since its independence from the British in 1948 and following the systematic indifference of the military government under General Ne Win of the Panglong Agreement of 1997, Myanmar has been embroiled in a bitter and drawn out conflict between the state and the country’s ethnic groups, which had formed armed wings to struggle for greater autonomy from the national state. While there had been ceasefires during the 1990s, they were mostly criticized for being short-lived and lacking in authenticity—critics thought of them as opportunities for the military government to enrich itself by way of approving the intensified extraction of natural resources in conflict areas. Though some of the thirteen ceasefire agreements recently signed by Thein Sein’s government were considered mere rehash of their predecessors, when considered within the context of the country’s ongoing efforts to reform, these agreements invite much optimism. Indeed, for leaders of Myanmar’s ethnic groups, the ceasefire agreements represent a widening space for discussion between the government and the ethnic groups and the new attitude of the former at the negotiating table—its “openness, honesty, and willingness to change” (The Economist, May 25, 2013). Union Parliament Speaker Shwe Mann in particular, has been very vocal in his support for federalism—something which ethnic groups have been demanding for a long time—and in calling for greater parliamentary involvement in the peace-making process.

Despite all these, many ethnic groups have been protesting that the ceasefire agreements have brought no real change in the government’s engagement with them. The Karen National Union, for example, has complained that government troops have not been withdrawn in former conflict areas and that human rights abuses committed by the government troops persist. Many Karen have also claimed that their land has been expropriated for the construction of mines, farms, and dams without prior consultation. This latter situation holds for the Kachin as well—the Myitsone dam, a USD 3.6 billion-project by the China Power Investment Corporation, has been a particular source of contention between the Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) and the government. The project, approved by the military government prior to Thein Sein’s, is expected to submerge Kachin villages under the waters of the Irawaddy, thus displacing thousands of Kachin villagers from their homes. These instances of land confiscations and the consequent loss of the Kachins’ livelihood have attended Chinese investments in the massive extraction of Myanmar’s natural resources. In fact, the 17-year-old ceasefire agreement between the government and the Kachin Independence Organization was broken because of government troops’ “cleaning up” operations of an area near Kachin State’s Taping River which was to be the location of operations of lucrative Chinese investment. Since June 2011, conflict between the government and the Kachin Independence Army, KIO’s armed wing, has proved constant. As a result, considerable losses in lives have been recorded on both sides, but accusations of human rights abuses have also been levelled against government troops: looting from civilians, opening fire on villages still occupied by civilians, and using civilians as porters and human minesweepers. There are also reports of Kachin women being raped, killed, and abused as sex slaves, and of Kachin men being arrested and tortured for alleged involvement in the KIO. 

As such, this lecture series will explore the issue of ethnic conflict in democratizing Myanmar by focusing on the experiences of nongovernment actors—who are members of ethnic minority groups as well—who have engaged in on-the-ground initiatives for displaced communities of ethnic minority groups. By highlighting these experiences, the series will offer a valuable opportunity for Filipino students, teachers, and civil society actors to get to know the realities behind the recent democratization efforts of the Myanmar government, focusing on the ongoing ethnic conflicts in the country and their effects on the small, beleaguered communities of ethnic minorities.


Born in 1949, Lahpai Seng Raw majored in psychology in her undergraduate years at the Rangoon University. Belonging to the Kachin minority of Northern Myanmar, she personally experienced the abusive administration of the military when she was detained during the Kachin insurgency. During this period, she worked as the development officer-in-charge of the Kachin Independence Organization’s humanitarian wing where she assisted displaced groups of people in the conflict-ridden zones.

In 1997, she established the Metta Development Foundation (MDF) to work in the rehabilitation and reconstruction of communities affected by armed conflicts. The organization is built on the concept of its name, Metta, which means “loving kindness,” and remains to be its driving force today. Their projects cover various sectors, including agriculture, education, and health care. Among their initiatives are farmer field schools (FSS) that educate and train farmers on different techniques and models of farm and forest management and schools and training centers for childhood education. They have also helped communities develop and manage water, health, and sanitation systems. 

Initially, MDF’s operations focused on the Kachin communities in the north but have since spread to other regions with populations of different ethnic origins and religious affiliations, aiding more than six hundred thousand people and around two thousand communities. It is now the largest nongovernment organization in Myanmar.

Lahpai Seng Raw received the Ramon Magsaysay Award in 2013, in recognition of—according to her 2013 Ramon Magsaysay Award citation—her “quietly inspiring and inclusive leadership” and because of her efforts “to regenerate and empower damaged communities and to strengthen local NGOs in promoting a non-violent culture of participation and dialogue.”


Day One: Public Forum
17 February 2014 (Monday), 10:00 AM - 12:00 NN, Pulungang Claro M. Recto, Bulwagang Rizal, College of Arts and Letters, University of the Philippines-Diliman

Please click here for the audiovisual recordings of the public forum. 

The public forum will provide a venue for a general discussion of the ongoing ethnic conflicts in Myanmar. Its target audience will be composed of diverse students, faculty, and civil society groups. It aims to answer the following questions:
  • How have the Myanmar government and the country’s ethnic minority groups engaged with each other? What is the nature of their relationship? Has their relationship improved over the years?
  • How do civil society groups, particularly those concerned with issues regarding Myanmar’s different ethnic minorities, regard the government’s efforts to democratize? 
  • How does the issue of ethnicity figure into the struggle by civil society for greater democratic representation in Myanmar?
  • What are the conditions of communities of ethnic minority groups in conflict areas? How have the national government, the independence organizations, and nongovernment organizations helped these affected communities?
  • How was the Metta Development Foundation (MDF) formed? What are the functions of the MDF? What is the nature of their engagement with affected ethnic minority communities in these conflict areas?
  • What is the relationship between the MDF and government institutions? How does the MDF coordinate peace initiatives with other nongovernment organizations operating in conflict areas in Myanmar?
  • How do the MDF and the independence organizations of the States view each other? How does the MDF look at the armed groups’ violent strategy demanding greater autonomy for ethnic minority groups? 
  • Has the MDF been successful in its endeavour to help ethnic minority communities affected by the long-standing ethnic conflict? Why so?

Day Two: Undergraduate Class Appearance*
18 February 2014 (Tuesday), 2:30 - 4:00 PM, Room 124, Palma Hall, University of the Philippines-Diliman

The undergraduate class appearance will be in a Political Science 178 (Government and Politics of Southeast Asia) class. This class appearance will give students a chance to probe deeper into the issues previously discussed by the lecturer and raised by the reactors in the public forum.

Day Three: Graduate Class Appearance
19 February 2014 (Wednesday), 5:30 - 7:30 PM, Room HW 201, GT-Toyota Asian Cultural Center, Asian Center, University of the Philippines-Diliman

The graduate class appearance will be in a Politics and Governance in Southeast Asia class of the UP Asian Center, where the lecturer will discuss at greater length her experiences as a peace worker in Myanmar—the conditions of the affected ethnic minority communities, how her organization has helped these communities, the coordination of peace initiatives with other, relevant actors/institutions, and the difficulties that these initiatives have encountered. The graduate class appearance will also be open to other graduate students only.

Day Four: Invitational Seminar**
20 February 2014 (Thursday), 9:00 AM - 12:00 NN, Third World Studies Center Conference Room, Lower Ground Floor, Palma Hall, University of the Philippines-Diliman

Please click here for the playlist of audiovisual recordings of the seminar.

The invitational seminar is a multisectoral gathering of around thirty experts on conflict and peace-building from the academe (faculty and graduate students), civil society, and government as participants. This seminar aims to open a comparative discussion on the issues and challenges that confront Myanmar and Philippines with regard to conflict and civil society engagement in peace-building. Lahpai Seng Raw will sketch, in broad strokes, the current condition of civil society in Myanmar. In particular, the discussion will revolve around the following questions concerning the health of civil society organizations in Myanmar: 
  • Is there enough democratic space in Myanmar that would allow civil society organizations to form and operate? Have recent political reforms by the Thein Sein government resulted in more CSOs than before? What is the nature of these civic engagements in Myanmar? 
  • Are there many CSOs with similar advocacies as the Metta Development Foundation? What are the challenges that have been faced by CSOs engaged with peace-building work in ethnic communities in Myanmar? What characterizes the relationship between the Myanmar government and these CSOs?
Photos (Day Four):

* - Please note that this undergraduate class appearance is not open to the public.
** - Please note that this seminar is by invitation only.

For more information about the lecture series, please contact the coordinator, Emerald Flaviano, via email ( or call at 9205428.

Tuesday, January 28, 2014

"Thailand's Undemocratic Democrats and some Reflections on the Philippines" (A Lecture by Mark R. Thompson, PhD)

"Thailand's Undemocratic Democrats and some Reflections on the Philippines" 
(A Lecture by Mark R. Thompson, PhD)
Tuesday 4 February 2014 2:30pm - 4:00 pm
Seminar Rms 206-207, GT Toyota Asian Cultural Center, Magsaysay cor. Guerrero Sts., 
UP Diliman, Quezon City

About the lecture
Why do the Democrats - Thailand’s oldest political party that once opposed dictatorship - so adamantly reject elections? As of this writing, they are boycotting the national polls and pressing instead for an unelected council made up of 'good' elites. The Democrats’ Orwellian claim is that sophisticated urbanites should have more say than provincial voters who are said to be either ignorant or bought for consistently voting for the populist, pro-Thaksin party.

The reasons for the undemocratic stance of Thailand’s Democrats appear relevant to the Philippines, given the overthrow of Joseph E. Estrada, backed by the poor but hated by the elite, in 2001 and the presidential election win stolen from Fernando Poe, Jr in 2004. A 'reformist' Aquino government was put in power in 2010. But a pork barrel scandal, government incompetence and insensitivity in the aftermath of typhoon Yolanda as well as jobless growth and continued high levels of socio-economic inequality suggest the narrative of reform is unravelling and that a populist challenge may re-emerge.

About the speaker
Dr. Mark R. Thompson is Professor at the City University of Hong Kong and Director of Southeast Asia Research Centre.

Third World Studies Center, CSSP, UP Diliman
Asian Center, UP Diliman
Department of Political Science, CSSP, UP Diliman

Friday, January 24, 2014

My Husband’s Lovers: Ang Pag-ibig at Pagkamuhi kina FM at Meldy mula sa mga Martial Law Babies hanggang sa Kasalukuyang Henerasyon

The 2013 UP TWSC Public Forum Series:
Marcos Pa Rin! Ang mga Pamana at Sumpa ng Rehimeng Marcos
FORUM 5: My Husband’s Lovers: 
Ang Pag-ibig at Pagkamuhi kina FM at Meldy
mula sa mga Martial Law Babies hanggang sa Kasalukuyang Henerasyon

Martes, 4 Pebrero 2014, 9:00 n.u. – 12:00 n.t.
Pulungang Claro M. Recto (Faculty Center Conference Hall),
Bulwagang Rizal, Kolehiyo ng Arte at Literatura,
Unibersidad ng Pilipinas-Diliman

Please click here for the playlist of the audiovisual recordings of this public forum. 

Sa kulturang popular para sa kasalukuyang henerasyon, batis ng ligaya’t aliw ang mga imahen at gunita ng mag-asawang diktador. Dinadakila ng mga maka-Marcos ang imaheng matalinong strongman ni Marcos, habang si Imelda ang glamorosang jet-setter na kabiyak. Naglipana ang mga grupo sa social media, mga komento sa YouTube ng mga lumang propaganda videos na naka-upload doon, na tumitingin sa isang nakaraang maunlad, disiplinado, at ligtas sa ilalim ng mga Marcos. Sentral sa yaring nostalgia ang mga palabas ng rehimen na pinasimunuan ni Imelda—ang Manila Summit, Miss Universe pageant, Thrilla in Manila, Kasaysayan ng Lahi, Manila International Film Festival. Nandiyan ang mga nakatayo pa ring gusali ng Cultural Center of the Philippines (CCP), Folk Arts Theater, National Arts Center, at ang Manila Film Center. Maganda at kawili-wili si Imelda at dinadakila pa sa ibang bansa ng mga mahal na tao—nila Lyndon at Lady Bird Johnson, Queen Sirikit, Mao Zedong, Fidel Castro, Muammar Gaddafi, Mikhail Gorbachev, Queen Elizabeth, Richard Nixon, Pope Paul VI.

Pagkaalis ng mga Marcos sa Malakanyang, nadiskubre ang magagarang damit, alahas, artwork, at muwebles ng pamilya. Tumatak sa marami ang napakalaking koleksyon ng sapatos ni Imelda—na di kalauna’y naging simbolo ng profligacy ng mga Marcos. Naging bahagi ang koleksyong ito ng mga ari-arian ng pamilya na ibinuyangyang sa publiko ng administrasyong Corazon Aquino upang ipakita ang magarbong pamumuhay ng mga Marcos sa kabila ng dumaraming naghihirap sa bansa. Tampok din sa koleksyong ito ang larawan nila Ferdinand at Imelda bilang sila Malakas at Maganda, ang dalawang maalamat na pigurang pinagmulan diumano ng lahing Filipino—bahagi ng Oplan Mystique, ayon kay Primitivo Mijares, na layuning bumuo ng mythical na pundasyon na susuporta sa Bagong Lipunan ni Marcos. Sa “bagong lipunang” ito, sila Ferdinand at Imeda ang Apo at Ina—si Ferdinand ang makisig na amang sisigurado na protektado at hindi nagkukulang sa pangangailangan ang mga anak, habang si Imelda ang maganda at mapagmahal na inang mapagkalinga sa mga anak.

Habang malinaw kung saan kumikiling ang mga kulay-rosas na gunita ng rehimeng Marcos na tinalakay sa taas, malabo naman ang nais iparating ng mga representasyon ng mag-asawang Ferdinand at Imelda sa kulturang popular, natatangi na ang kay Imelda. Nariyan ang concept album na ginawa ng mga Amerikanong musikero na sina David Byrne at Fatboy Slim na patungkol sa buhay ni Imelda at kamakailan lamang ay hinalaw sa isang musical na ipinalabas sa The Public Theatre sa New York. Sa parehong album at musical, si Imelda ay ang kahali-halinang ambassador na makakatulong sa kanyang bansa at asawa sa pagiging glamorosang diva na pinangarap niya mula pa noon. Maraming bumatikos kay Byrne sa depiksyong ito, pero ayon kay Ian Buruma (New York Review of Books, May 7, 2013), “the tawdry allure…seems right to me. It was precisely the pop glamor of the Marcos dictatorship that made it so insidious.”

Hihimayin sa forum na ito ang pantasyang bumabalot sa imahe ng mag-asawang Marcos—isang pantasyang binuo noong nasa kapangyarihan si Ferdinand, nabuway nang mapatalsik siya sa puwesto, at pumapaimbulong muli sa social media at kulturang popular. Susuriin kung ang nagbabagong manipestasyon ng pantasyang ito, mula sa pagiging bahagi ng propaganda ng rehimeng Marcos at ng pang-araw-araw na buhay ng mga Martial Law babies, hanggang sa kasalukuyang pagtawid ng pantasyang ito sa lupalop ng kulturang popular.


9:00 – 9:30

9:30 – 9:35
Ricardo T. Jose, PhD
Direktor, Third World Studies Center at
Propesor, Departamento ng Kasaysayan
Kolehiyo ng Agham Panlipunan at Pilosopiya
Unibersidad ng Pilipinas-Diliman

9:35 – 9:45
Ma. Luisa T. Camagay, PhD
Propesor, Departamento ng Kasaysayan
Kolehiyo ng Agham Panlipunan at Pilosopiya
Unibersidad ng Pilipinas-Diliman

9:45 – 10:10
Teresita G. Maceda, PhD
Departamento ng Filipino at Panitikang Pilipino
Kolehiyo ng Arte at Literatura
Unibersidad ng Pilipinas-Diliman

10:10 – 10:35
Frank Cimatu
Patnugot, Mondo Marcos at
Correspondent, Philippine Daily Inquirer

10:35 – 10:55
Raissa Robles
Correspondent, South China Morning Post at
Publisher at Webmaster,

10:55 – 11:50

11:50 – 12:00
Ma. Luisa T. Camagay, PhD
Propesor, Departamento ng Kasaysayan
Kolehiyo ng Agham Panlipunan at Pilosopiya
Unibersidad ng Pilipinas-Diliman

Tuesday, January 07, 2014

A public lecture by Dr. Maria Makabenta Ikeda and Dr. Aysun Uyar Makibayashi

 A public lecture by Dr. Maria Makabenta Ikeda and 
Dr. Aysun Uyar Makibayashi*
13 January 2014 (Monday) 1:00 pm – 3:00 pm
Room 204, Diliman Interactive Learning Center, Magsaysay Avenue corner Apacible Street, University of the Philippines, Diliman, Quezon City 

Please click here for the audiovisual recordings of this lecture.


1:00 – 1:05                 
Welcome Remarks
Prof. Pauline Kent
Dean, Faculty of Intercultural Communication
Ryukoku University

1:05 – 1:15                  
Introduction of Speakers
Dr. Maria Reinaruth Carlos
Professor, Faculty of Intercultural Communication
Ryukoku University

1:15 – 1:45                  
“Regional Development and Social Entrepreneurship in the Philippines: Turning Migration Strategy on Its Head”
Dr. Maria Peregrina Makabenta Ikeda
Associate Professor, School of Economics
University of Hyogo

1:45 – 2:15     
“International Migration Regimes and Human Security”
Dr. Aysun Uyar Makibayashi
Assistant Professor, Faculty of Global and Regional Studies
Doshisha University

2:15 – 2:30                 
Dr. Maruja M.B. Asis
Director of Research and Publications
Scalabrini Migration Center

2:30 – 3:00                 
Open forum

About the lectures

Regional Development and Social Entrepreneurship in the Philippines:  Turning Migration Strategy on Its Head
This paper examines how international migration affects local economic development particularly in Philippine countryside communities coping with the exodus of its members as migrant workers. In particular, this study focuses on migrant returnees as potential stakeholders in the development of their source communities. There is a need for coordination and collaboration among various government agencies in the national, regional and municipal levels as well as financial institutions to effectively implement the “migration for development” and community development programs. This study highlights the role of social entrepreneurial initiatives that mobilize migrant resources towards the revitalized development of the communities affected by the diaspora of Filipino workers. The role of community-based organizations, cooperatives and migrant organizations abroad as intermediating and implementing agents through complex interaction of these actor networks help ensure grassroots impact of these programs.

International Migration Regimes and Human Security
International migration, in its most naïve translation as the movement of people beyond the borders of one’s own country of origin, has been a special focus of most of the national, regional and international governance frameworks. Human security, on the other hand, is a drastically changing concept since the post Cold War era brought about new challenges to the classical concept of human security. Although migration has many forms and different definitions according sending and receiving countries, there is one common element that migration directly relates with human security at individual, community and societal levels. This presentation looks at the theoretical framework for governance and management of international migration and argues why international regimes and national management practices of international migration differs in regions and how this affect human security dimension of migration, i.e. the basic right of free movement and access to decent living conditions. The first part introduces the recent examples of international migration regimes while the second part argues the changing concept of human security. The last part discusses trade and environment-related migration cases and the human security of “movement of people”.

Brief Introduction of Lecturers

1.      Dr. Maria Peregrina Makabenta Ikeda

Dr. Ikeda is associate professor at the School of Economics of the University of Hyogo. She obtained her PhD from the Graduate School Division of Economics, Kyoto University (Japan). Her major fields of interest are Asian economies, local development in the Philippines, special economic zones foreign direct investments and social innovation. She is currently a visiting research fellow at the Afrasian Centre where she conducts research on international migration, social innovation and economic development in the Philippines.

2.      Dr. Aysun Uyar Makibayashi

Dr. Uyar Makibayashi is assistant professor at the Faculty of Global and Regional Studies, Doshisha University (Japan). Her major fields of interest are international relations, international political economy and regional environmental governance. She teaches on Asian international relations and regional integration theories and works as adjunct lecturer in other universities. She is recently involved with interdisciplinary research projects on regional environmental governance, environmental security as well as on international migration, human security and multiculturalism in Asia-Pacific region.

Note: The public lectures will have a virtual component. Faculty members and students from Ryukoku University, Kyoto, Japan will also join as members of the audience via a teleconferencing system.

Friday, January 03, 2014

'Pag Meron Ka Nito, Wala Kang Talo! Ang mga Abugado, ang Hudikatura, at ang Arkitekturang Legal ng Awtoritaryanismong Marcos

'Pag Meron Ka Nito, Wala Kang Talo!
Ang mga Abugado, ang Hudikatura, at ang
Arkitekturang Legal ng Awtoritaryanismong Marcos
Miyerkules, 15 Enero 2014, 1:00 - 4:00 n.h.
Pulungang Claro M. Recto (Faculty Center Conference Hall),
Bulwagang Rizal, Kolehiyo ng Arte at Literatura,
Unibersidad ng Pilipinas, Diliman, Quezon City

Please click here for the playlist of the audiovisual recordings of the public forum.

Balot at selyado sa legalismo ang awtoritaryang rehimen ni Marcos. Sa baluktot na parametro ng kanyang rehimen, lahat ng pang-aapi at pagsikil sa karapatan ng iba, naaayon sa batas na mismong s’ya ang may-akda—at ang tanging may kapangyarihan ring magbago. Sa ilalim ng batas militar, walang ilegal na aksyon si Marcos.

Hindi nga lamang mag-isa si Marcos sa pagsalamanka sa batas para maging personal n’ya itong anting-anting. Ilang taon pa bago ang deklarasyon ng batas militar, sa mga unang buwan pa lamang ng kanyang pangalawang termino bilang pangulo, sinimulan nang balangkasin ni Marcos at ilang malapit na tauhan ang legal na basehan ng kanyang ilalatag na awtokratikong rehimen. Inatasan n’ya noon si Juan Ponce Enrile, ang kanyang Kalihim ng Katarungan, na magsagawa ng lihim na pag-aaral tungkol sa kapangyarihan ng punong ehekutibo base sa Saligang Batas ng 1935. Naging katuwang ni Enrile sa sekretong gawaing ito sina Efren I. Plana (cum laude, 1954, UP Law) at Minerva Gonzaga-Reyes (magna cum laude, 1954, UP Law). Pagkatapos lagdaan ang Proclamation 1081 noong Setyembre 21, 1972, kinonsulta rin ni Marcos ang dating Solicitor General Estelito Mendoza, ang kanyang Kabinete, at iba pang mga lider para pag-aralan kung papaano gagawing tunay na lehitimo ang batas militar. Ani Mendoza, “He didn’t want to look like he wanted to violate the Constitution” (Vitug and Yabes 2011, 187).

Sunod na nakatunggali ni Marcos ang Korte Suprema sa pagtataguyod ng ratipikasyon ng Saligang Batas ng 1973 na maglalatag ng basehang konstitusyonal ng batas militar. Pagkalabas ng Proclamation 1102 na nagsasaad na niratipika ng 95% ng populasyon ang bagong saligang batas, kinuwestiyon agad ang legalidad ng paraan ng ratipikasyong ito sa Josue Javellana vs. Executive Secretary. Hati ang desisyon ng Korte Suprema sa kasong ito, na ngayo’y itinuturing na naging huling pagkakataon ng hudikatura upang pigilan si Marcos. Ngunit sa huli, pinaboran ng anim sa sampung Punong Mahistrado ang bagong konstitusyon. Hindi pangkaraniwan ang habang 257 na pahina na desisyon sa kasong ito dahil ang mga opinion ng dalawang kampo ang nakasulat. Ayon kay Pacifico Agabin, ito ay dahil alam ng mga hukom na magiging makasaysayan ang desisyong ito at kailangang ipagtanggol ang kani-kaniyang papel (Vitug and Yabes 2011, 193).

Bukod sa mga Punong Mahistrado, nagpakita rin ang ilang kawaksing mahistrado ng Kataas-taasang Hukuman ng pagkiling ‘di lang kay Pangulong Marcos, kundi pati sa kanyang kabiyak. Sa Pilar Luague v. Honorable Court of Appeals (1974) kung saan pinawalang-sala ng Korte Suprema ang isang kinasuhan ng estafa, nagawang isingit ni Justice Vicente Abad Santos sa isang desisyon ang ganitong pagtalima kay Gng. Marcos: "A compassionate attitude repeatedly urged by the First Lady, Mrs. Imelda R. Marcos, would have been highly in order under the circumstances." May papuri rin si Justice Abad Santos kay Gng. Marcos sa Pleno v. The Honorable Court of Appeals (1981): "What the Manila Gas Corporation did is contrary to compassion and humanism so ably expounded and practiced by the First Lady—Madame Imelda R. Marcos." At ito naman ang natatanging papuri't pasasalamat ni Justice Antonio Barredo—isa sa mga pumabor sa legalidad ng 1973 Philippine Constitution sa Javellana vs. Executive Secretary—sa mag-asawang Marcos sa Luneta v. Special Military Commission No. 1 (1981), isa sa mga maraming kaso kung saa'y ibinasura ng Korte Suprema ang petisyon ng mga ikinulong na tumutuligsa sa rehimeng Marcos para sa writ of habeas corpus upang sila'y mapalaya mula sa mga "rehabilitation center":
Incidentally, it is a matter of common knowledge that after the martial law cases pending before this Court shall have been disposed of, martial law in our beloved country will be lifted. In my first opinion written after it was imposed, I exhorted "God bless the Philippines!" As January 17, 1981 the date commonly known as set for its lifting approaches, with a heart full of joy and gratefulness to the Lord, the President and the First Lady, who have jointly worked so hard to improve the quality of life of the Filipinos, to revive our valued nature virtues and traditions and to enhance the dignity of the Philippines as worthy member of the society of respected nations the world over, and all others concerned, I should shout as I do — ALLELUIA!

Sa kasalukuyan, tanging mga mag-aaral ng batas na lamang ang nakaaalam sa mga pagmamaniobra na ito. Hindi na rin napapansin ang kakatuwang katotohanan na iilan sa mga batas na ipinatupad ni Marcos bilang diktador hanggang ngayon ay may bisa pa. Nariyan ang Code of Muslim Personal Laws (P.D. No. 1083), Philippine Extradition Law (P.D. No. 1069), Insurance Code (P.D. No.  1460), at Anti-Fencing Law (P.D. No. 1612). Nagmulto rin ang P.D. 1081 noong ipatupad ni Gloria Macapagal Arroyo ang P.P. 1017, na nagpasailalim sa Pilipinas sa "State of National Emergency"—ilang bahagi ng proklamasyon ni Marcos ay muling ginamit ni Arroyo upang bigyan niya ang kanyang sarili ng panandaliang mala-diktador na kapangyarihan. 

Titingnan sa forum na ito ang naging sangkot na papel ng istruktura ng batas at mga tagapagtanggol nito sa legitimization ng pagdedeklara ng batas militar. Tatalakayin din ang mga naging pagkilos ng ilang mga grupo ng mga abogado (hal. Free Legal Assistance Group o FLAG, Movement of Attorneys for Brotherhood, Integrity, and Nationalism o MABINI) laban sa kamay na bakal ng batas na kinasangkot na ni Marcos. Magsisilbi ang forum na ito, higit sa kung ano pa, na pagkakataon upang ilantad sa publiko—lalo na sa isang publikong binubuo ng isang henerasyong hindi na inabot ang batas militar at ang mga lagim nito—ang mga pangyayaring naging susi sa diktaduryang kumumbabaw sa bansa ng halos dalawang dekada, ngunit ngayo’y hindi na gaanong napag-uusapan sa mga pagaalaala ng batas militar.


1:00 – 1:30

1:30 – 1:35
Ricardo T. Jose, PhD
Direktor, Third World Studies Center at
Propesor, Departamento ng Kasaysayan
Kolehiyo ng Agham Panlipunan at Pilosopiya
Unibersidad ng Pilipinas-Diliman

1:35 – 1:45
Ma. Luisa T. Camagay, PhD
Propesor, Departamento ng Kasaysayan
Kolehiyo ng Agham Panlipunan at Pilosopiya
Unibersidad ng Pilipinas-Diliman

1:45 – 2:05
Froilan M. Bacungan
Pangalawang Pangulo
Philippine Constitutional Association at
Dating Dekano
Kolehiyo ng Batas
Unibersidad ng Pilipinas

2:05 – 2:25
Rene A.V. Saguisag
San Beda College of Law at
Movement of Attorneys for Brotherhood, Integrity, and Nationalism Inc.

2:25 – 2:45
Raul C. Pangalangan, SJD
Philippine Daily Inquirer at
Propesor at Dating Dekano
Kolehiyo ng Batas
Unibersidad ng Pilipinas

2:45 – 3:05
Marites Dañguilan-Vitug

3:05 – 3:50

3:50 – 4:00
Ma. Luisa T. Camagay, PhD
Propesor, Departamento ng Kasaysayan
Kolehiyo ng Agham Panlipunan at Pilosopiya
Unibersidad ng Pilipinas-Diliman